History of the World/History of the World (Bureau Development, Inc.)(1992).BIN/dp/0196/01966.txt

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$Title{History Of The Conquest Of Mexico
Chapter VII. Cuatemozin, Emperor Of The Aztecs, Part I.}
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$Author{Prescott, William H.}
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Title:       History Of The Conquest Of Mexico
Book:        Book V. Expulsion From Mexico.
Author:      Prescott, William H.

Chapter VII. Cuatemozin, Emperor Of The Aztecs, Part I.

Preparations For The March. - Military Code. - Spaniards Cross The Sierra. -
Enter Tezcuco. - Prince Ixtlilxochitl. (1520.)

     While the events related in the preceding chapter were passing, an
important change had taken place in the Aztec monarchy. Montezuma's brother
and successor, Cuitlahua, had suddenly died of the smallpox, after a brief
reign of four months, - brief, but glorious, for it had witnessed the
overthrow of the Spaniards and their expulsion from Mexico. ^3  On the death
of their warlike chief, the electors were convened, as usual, to supply the
vacant throne.  It was an office of great responsibility in the dark hour of
their fortunes.  The teoteuctli, or high-priest, invoked the blessing of the
supreme God on their deliberations.  His prayer is still extant.  It was the
last one ever made on a similar occasion in Anahuac, and a few extracts from
it may interest the reader, as a specimen of Aztec eloquence: -

[Footnote 3: Solis dismisses this prince with the remark "that he reigned but
a few days; long enough, however, for his indolence and apathy to efface the
memory of his name among the people."  (Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 16.)  Whence
the historiographer of the Indies borrowed the colouring for this portrait I
cannot conjecture; certainly not from the ancient authorities, which
uniformly delineate the character and conduct of the Aztec sovereign in the
light represented in the text.  Cortes, who ought to know, describes him "as
held to be very wise and valiant."  Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 166. - See,
also, Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-Espana, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29, - Herrera, Hist.
general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19, - Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
88, - Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 16, - Gomara, Cronica,
cap. 118.]

     "O Lord! thou knowest that the days of our sovereign are at an end, for
thou hast placed him beneath thy feet.  He abides in the place of his
retreat; he has trodden the path which we are all to tread; he has gone to
the house whither we are all to follow, - the house of eternal darkness,
where no light cometh.  He is gathered to his rest, and no one henceforth
shall disquiet him. . .  All these were the princes, his predecessors, who
sat on the imperial throne, directing the affairs of thy kingdom; for thou
art the universal lord and emperor, by whose will and movement the whole
world is directed; thou needest not the counsel of another.  They laid down
the intolerable burden of government, and left it to him, their successor.
Yet he sojourned but a few days in his kingdom, - but a few days had we
enjoyed his presence, when thou summonedst him away to follow those who had
ruled over the land before him.  And great cause has he for thankfulness,
that thou hast relieved him from so grievous a load, and placed him in
tranquillity and rest. . . .  Who now shall order matters for the good of the
people and the realm?  Who shall appoint the judges to administer justice to
thy people?  Who now shall bid the drum and the flute to sound, and gather
together the veteran soldiers and the men mighty in battle?  Our Lord and our
Defence! wilt thou, in thy wisdom, elect one who shall be worthy to sit on
the throne of thy kingdom; one who shall bear the grievous burden of
government; who shall comfort and cherish thy poor people, even as the mother
cherisheth her offspring? . . .  O Lord most merciful! pour forth thy light
and thy splendour over this thine empire! . . .  Order it so that thou shalt
be served in all, and through all." ^1

[Footnote 1: The reader of Spanish will see that in the version in the text I
have condensed the original, which abounds in the tautology and repetitions
characteristic of the compositions of a rude people.  "Senor nuestro! ya
V. M. sabe como es muerto nuestro N.: ya lo habeis puesto debajo de vuestros
pies: ya esta en su recogimiento, y es ido por el camino que todos hemos de
ir y a la casa donde hemos de morar, casa de perpetuas tinieblas, donde ni
hay ventana, ni luz alguna: ya esta en el reposo donde nadie le desasosegara.
. . .  Todos estos senores y reyes rigieron, gobernaron, y gozaron del
senorio y dignidad real, y del trono y sitial del imperio, los cuales
ordenaron y concertaron las cosas de vuestro reino, que sois el universal
senor y emperador, por cuyo albedrio y motivo se rige todo el universo, y que
no teneis necesidad de consejo de ningun otro.  Ya estos dichos dejaron la
carga intolerable del gobierno que trageron sobre sus hombros, y lo dejaron
a su succesor N., el cual por algunos pocos dias tuvo en pie su senorio y
reino, y ahora ya se ha ido en pos de ellos al otro mundo, porque vos le
mandasteis que fuese y le llamasteis, y por haberle descargado de tan gran
carga, y quitado tan gran trabajo, y haberle puesto en paz y en reposo, esta
muy obligado a daros gracias.  Algunos pocos dias le logramos, y ahora para
siempre se ausento de nosotros para nunca mas volver al mundo. . . .  Quien
ordenara y dispondra las cosas necesarias al bien del pueblo, senorio y
reino?  Quien elegira a los jueces particulares, que tengan carga de la
gente baja por los barrios?  Quien mandara tocar el atambor y pifano para
juntar gente para la guerra?  Y quien reunira y acaudillara a los soldados
viejos, y hombres diestros en la pelea?  Senor nuestro y amparador nuestro!
tenga por bien V. M. de elegir, y senalar alguna persona suficiente para que
tenga vuestro trono, y lleve a cuestas la carga pesada del regimen de la
republica, regocige y regale a los populares, bien asi como la madre regala
a su hijo, poniendole en su regazo. . . .  O senor nuestro humanisimo! dad
lumbre y resplandor de vuestra mano a esto reino! . . .  Hagase como V. M.
fuere servido en todo, y por todo."  Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-Espana, lib. 6,
cap. 5.]

     The choice fell on Quauhtemotzin, or Guatemozin, as euphoniously
corrupted by the Spaniards. ^1  He was nephew to the two last monarchs, and
married his cousin, the beautiful princess Tecuichpo, Montezuma's daughter.
"He was not more than twenty-five years old, and elegant in his person for an
Indian," says one who had seen him often; "valiant, and so terrible that his
followers trembled in his presence." ^2  He did not shrink from the perilous
post that was offered to him; and, as he saw the tempest gathering darkly
around, he prepared to meet it like a man.  Though young, he had ample
experience in military matters, and had distinguished himself above all
others in the bloody conflicts of the capital.  He bore a sort of religious
hatred to the Spaniards, like that which Hannibal is said to have sworn, and
which he certainly cherished, against his Roman foes.

[Footnote 1: The Spaniards appear to have changed the Qua, beginning Aztec
names, into Gua, in the same manner as, in the mother country, they changed
the Wad at the beginning of Arabic names into Guad.  (See Conde, El Nubiense,
Descripcion de Espana, notas, passim.)  The Aztec tzin was added to the names
of sovereigns and great lords, as a mark of reverence.  Thus, Cuitlahua was
called Cuitlahuatzin.  This termination, usually dropped by the Spaniards, has
been retained from accident, or perhaps for the sake of euphony, in
Guatemozin's name.]

[Footnote 2: "Mancebo de hasta veynte y cinco anos, bien gentil hombre para
ser Indio, y muy esforcado, y se hizo temer de tal manera, que todos los
suyos temblauan del; y estaua casado con vna hija de Montecuma, bien hermosa
muger para ser India."  Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 130.]

     By means of his spies, Guatemozin made himself acquainted with the
movements of the Spaniards and their design to besiege the capital.  He
prepared for it by sending away the useless part of the population, while he
called in his potent vassals from the neighbourhood.  He continued the plans
of his predecessor for strengthening the defences of the city, reviewed his
troops, and stimulated them by prizes to excel in their exercises.  He made
harangues to his soldiers to rouse them to a spirit of desperate resistance.
He encouraged his vassals throughout the empire to attack the white men
wherever they were to be met with, setting a price on their heads, as well as
on the persons of all who should be brought alive to him in Mexico. ^3  And it
was no uncommon thing for the Spaniards to find hanging up in the temples of
the conquered places the arms and accoutrements of their unfortunate
countrymen who had been seized and sent to the capital for sacrifice. ^4  Such
was the young monarch who was now called to the tottering throne of the
Aztecs; worthy, by his bold and magnanimous nature, to sway the sceptre of
his country in the most flourishing period of her renown, and now, in her
distress, devoting himself in the true spirit of a patriot prince to uphold
her falling fortunes or bravely perish with them. ^5

[Footnote 3: Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19.]

[Footnote 4: Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 134.]

[Footnote 5: One may call to mind the beautiful invocation which Racine has
put into the mouth of Joad: -

     "Venez, cher rejeton d'une vaillante race,
     Remplir vos defenseurs d'une nouvelle audace;
     Venez du diademe a leurs yeux vous couvrir,
     Et perissez du moins en roi, s'il faut perir."]

     We must now return to the Spaniards in Tlascala, where we left them
preparing to resume their march on Mexico.  Their commander had the
satisfaction to see his troops tolerably complete in their appointments;
varying indeed, according to the condition of the different reinforcements
which had arrived from time to time, but, on the whole, superior to those of
the army with which he had first invaded the country.  His whole force fell
little short of six hundred men; forty of whom were cavalry, together with
eighty arquebusiers and crossbowmen.  The rest were armed with sword and
target, and with the copper-headed pike of Chinantla.  He had nine cannon of
a moderate calibre, and was indifferently supplied with powder. ^1

[Footnote 1: Rel. Tercera de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 183. - Most, if not
all, of the authorities - a thing worthy of note - concur in this estimate
of the Spanish forces.]

     As his forces were drawn up in order of march, Cortes rode through the
ranks, exhorting his soldiers, as usual with him on these occasions, to be
true to themselves and the enterprise in which they were embarked.  He told
them they were to march against rebels, who had once acknowledged allegiance
to the Spanish sovereign; ^2 against barbarians, the enemies of their
religion.  They were to fight the battles of the Cross and of the crown; to
fight their own battles, to wipe away the stain from their arms, to avenge
their injuries, and the loss of the dear companions who had been butchered on
the field or on the accursed altar of sacrifice.  Never was there a war which
offered higher incentives to the Christian cavalier; a war which opened to
him riches and renown in this life, and an imperishable glory in that to
come. ^3

[Footnote 2: "Y como sin causa ninguna todos los Naturales de Colua, que son
los de la gran Ciudad de Temixtitan, y los de todas las otras Provincias a
ellas sujetas, no solamente se habian rebelado contra Vuestra Magestad."
Ibid., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 3: Rel. Tercera de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 184. - "Porque demas
del premio, que les davia en el cielo, se les seguirian en esto mundo
grandissima honra, riquezas inestimables."  Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca,
MS., cap. 91.]

     Thus did the politic chief touch all the secret springs of devotion,
honour, and ambition in the bosoms of his martial audience, waking the mettle
of the most sluggish before leading him on the perilous emprise.  They
answered with acclamations that they were ready to die in defence of the
Faith, and would either conquer, or leave their bones with those of their
countrymen in the waters of the Tezcuco.

     The army of the allies next passed in review before the general.  It is
variously estimated by writers from a hundred and ten to a hundred and fifty
thousand soldiers!  The palpable exaggeration, no less than the discrepancy,
shows that little reliance can be placed on any estimate.  It is certain,
however, that it was a multitudinous array, consisting not only of the flower
of the Tlascalan warriors, but of those of Cholula, Tepeaca, and the
neighbouring territories, which had submitted to the Castilian crown. ^4

[Footnote 4: "Cosa muy de ver," says Father Sahagun, without hazarding any
precise number, "en la cantidad y en los aparejos que llevaban."  Hist. de
Nueva-Espana, lib. 12, cap. 30, MS.]

     They were armed, after the Indian fashion, with bows and arrows, the
glassy maquahuitl, and the long pike, which formidable weapon Cortes, as we
have seen, had introduced among his own troops.  They were divided into
battalions, each having its own banner, displaying the appropriate arms or
emblem of its company.  The four great chiefs of the nation marched in the
van; three of them venerable for their years, and showing, in the insignia
which decorated their persons, the evidence of many a glorious feat in
arms.  The panache of many-coloured plumes floated from their casques, set in
emeralds or other precious stones.  Their escaupil, or stuffed doublet of
cotton, was covered with the graceful surcoat of feather-work, and their feet
were protected by sandals embossed with gold.  Four young pages followed,
bearing their weapons, and four others supported as many standards, on which
were emblazoned the armorial bearings of the four great divisions of the
republic. ^1  The Tlascalans, though frugal in the extreme, and rude in their
way of life, were as ambitious of display in their military attire as any of
the races on the plateau.  As they defiled before Cortes, they saluted him by
waving their banners and by a flourish of their wild music, which the general
acknowledged by courteously raising his cap as they passed. ^2  The Tlascalan
warriors, and especially the younger Xicotencatl, their commander, affected
to imitate their European masters, not merely in their tactics, but in
minuter matters of military etiquette.

[Footnote 1: Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 20.]

[Footnote 2: Ibid., ubi supra.]

     Cortes, with the aid of Marina, made a brief address to his Indian
allies.  He reminded them that he was going to fight their battles against
their ancient enemies.  He called on them to support him in a manner worthy
of their renowned republic.  To those who remained at home, he committed the
charge of aiding in the completion of the brigantines, on which the success
of the expedition so much depended; and he requested that none would follow
his banner who were not prepared to remain till the final reduction of the
capital. ^3  This address was answered by shouts, or rather yells, of
defiance, showing the exultation felt by his Indian confederates at the
prospect of at last avenging their manifold wrongs and humbling their haughty
enemy.

[Footnote 3: Ibid., loc. cit.]

     Before setting out on the expedition, Cortes published a code of
ordinances, as he terms them, or regulations for the army, too remarkable to
be passed over in silence.  The preamble sets forth that in all institutions,
whether divine or human, - if the latter have any worth, - order is the great
law.  The ancient chronicles inform us that the greatest captains in past
times owed their successes quite as much to the wisdom of their ordinances as
to their own valour and virtue.  The situation of the Spaniards eminently
demanded such a code; a mere handful of men as they were, in the midst of
countless enemies, most cunning in the management of their weapons and in the
art of war.  The instrument then reminds the army that the conversion of the
heathen is the work most acceptable in the eye of the Almighty, and one that
will be sure to receive his support.  It calls on every soldier to regard
this as the prime object of the expedition, without which the war would be
manifestly unjust, and every acquisition made by it, a robbery. ^4

[Footnote 4: "Que su principal motivo e intencion sea apartar y desarraigar
de las dichas idolatrias a todos los naturales destas partes y reducillos o a
lo menos desear su salvacion y que sean reducidos al conocimiento de Dios y
de su Santa Fe catolica: porque si con otra intencion se hiciese la dicha
guerra seria injusta y todo lo que en ella se oviese Onoloxio e obligado a
restitucion."  Ordenanzas militares, MS]

     The general solemnly protests that the principal motive which operates
in his own bosom is the desire to wean the natives from their gloomy idolatry
and to impart to them the knowledge of a purer faith; and next, to recover
for his master, the emperor, the dominions which of right belong to him. ^1

[Footnote 1: "E desde ahora protesto en nombre de S. M. que mi principal
intencion e motivo es facer esta guerra e las otras que ficiese por traer y
reducir a los dichos naturales al dicho conocimiento de nuestra Santa Fe e
creencia; y despues por los sozjugar e supeditar debajo del yugo e dominio
imperial e real de su Sacra Magestad, a quien juridicamente el Senorio de
todas estas partes."  Ordenanzas militares, MS.]

     The ordinances then prohibit all blasphemy against God or the saints; a
vice much more frequent among Catholic than Protestant nations, arising,
perhaps, less from difference of religion than of physical temperament, - for
the warm sun of the South, under which Catholicism prevails, stimulates the
sensibilities to the more violent expression of passion. ^2

[Footnote 2: "Ce n'est qu'en Espagne et en Italie," says the penetrating
historian of the Italian Republics, "qu'on rencontre cette habitude vicieuse,
absolument inconnue aux peuples protestants, et qu'il ne faut point confondre
avec les grossiers juremens que le peuple en tout pays mele a ses discours.
Dans tous les acces de colere des peuples du Midi, ils s'attaquent aux
objets de leur culte, ils les menacent, et ils accablent de paroles
outrageantes la Divinite elle-meme, le Redempteur ou ses saints."  Sismondi,
Republiques Italiennes, cap. 126.]

     Another law is directed against gaming, to which the Spaniards, in all
ages, have been peculiarly addicted.  Cortes, making allowance for the strong
national propensity, authorizes it under certain limitations, but prohibits
the use of dice altogether. ^3  Then follow other laws against brawls and
private combats, against personal taunts and the irritating sarcasms of rival
companies; rules for the more perfect discipline of the troops, whether in
camp or the field.  Among others is one prohibiting any captain, under pain
of death, from charging the enemy without orders; a practice noticed as most
pernicious and of too frequent occurrence, - showing the impetuous spirit and
want of true military subordination in the bold cavaliers who followed the
standard of Cortes.

[Footnote 3: Lucio Marineo, who witnessed all the dire effects of this
national propensity at the Castilian court, where he was residing at this
time, breaks out into the following animated apostrophe against it: "The
gambler is he who wishes and conspires the death of his parents, he who
swears falsely by God and by the life of his king and lord, he who kills his
own soul and casts it into hell.  What will not the gambler do, when he is
not ashamed to lose his money, his time, his sleep, his reputation, his
honour, and even life itself?  So that, considering how great a number of
men are incessantly engaged in play, the opinion seems to me well founded of
those who say that hell is filled with gamblers."  Cosas memorables de
Espagna (ed. Sevilla, 1539), fol. 165.]

     The last ordinance prohibits any man, officer or private, from securing
to his own use any of the booty taken from the enemy, whether it be gold,
silver, precious stones, feather-work, stuffs, slaves, or other commodity,
however or wherever obtained, in the city or in the field, and requires him
to bring it forthwith to the presence of the general, or the officer
appointed to receive it.  The violation of this law was punished with death
and confiscation of property.  So severe an edict may be thought to prove
that, however much the Conquistador may have been influenced by spiritual
considerations, he was by no means insensible to those of a temporal
character. ^4

[Footnote 4: These regulations are reported with much uniformity by Herrera,
Solis, Clavigero, and others, but with such palpable inaccuracy that it is
clear they never could have seen the original instrument.  The copy in my
possession was taken from the Munoz collection.  As the document, though
curious and highly interesting, has never been published, I have given it
entire in the Appendix, Part 2, No. 13.]

     These provisions were not suffered to remain a dead letter.  The
Spanish commander, soon after their proclamation, made an example of his own
slaves, whom he hanged for plundering the natives.  A similar sentence was
passed on a soldier for the like offence, though he allowed him to be cut
down before the sentence was entirely executed.  Cortes knew well the
character of his followers; rough and turbulent spirits, who required to be
ruled with an iron hand.  Yet he was not eager to assert his authority on
light occasions.  The intimacy into which they were thrown by their peculiar
situation, perils, and sufferings, in which all equally shared, and a common
interest in the adventure, induced a familiarity between men and officers,
most unfavourable to military discipline.  The general's own manners, frank
and liberal, seemed to invite this freedom, which, on ordinary occasions, he
made no attempt to repress; perhaps finding it too difficult, or at least
impolitic, since it afforded a safety-valve for the spirits of a licentious
soldiery, that, if violently coerced, might have burst forth into open
mutiny.  But the limits of his forbearance were clearly defined; and any
attempt to overstep them, or to violate the established regulations of the
camp, brought a sure and speedy punishment on the offender.  By thus
tempering severity with indulgence, masking an iron will under the open
bearing of a soldier, Cortes established a control over his band of bold and
reckless adventurers, such as a pedantic martinet, scrupulous in enforcing
the minutiae of military etiquette, could never have obtained.

     The ordinances, dated on the twenty-second of December, were proclaimed
to the assembled army on the twenty-sixth.  Two days afterwards, the troops
were on their march, and Cortes, at the head of his battalions, with colours
flying and music playing, issued forth from the gates of the republican
capital, which had so generously received him in his distress, and which now,
for the second time, supplied him with the means for consummating his great
enterprise.  The population of the city, men, women, and children, hung on
the rear of the army, taking a last leave of their countrymen, and imploring
the gods to crown their arms with victory.

     Notwithstanding the great force mustered by the Indian confederates, the
Spanish general allowed but a small part of them now to attend him.  He
proposed to establish his headquarters at some place on the Tezcucan lake,
whence he could annoy the Aztec capital by reducing the surrounding country,
cutting off the supplies, and thus placing the city in a state of blockade. ^1

[Footnote 1: Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 20. - Bernal
Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 127.  The former historian states the
number of Indian allies who followed Cortes, at eighty thousand; the latter
at ten thousand!  Quien sabe?]

     The direct assault on Mexico itself he intended to postpone until the
arrival of the brigantines should enable him to make it with the greatest
advantage.  Meanwhile, he had no desire to encumber himself with a
superfluous multitude, whom it would be difficult to feed; and he preferred
to leave them at Tlascala, whence they might convey the vessels, when
completed, to the camp, and aid him in his future operations.

     Three routes presented themselves to Cortes by which he might penetrate
into the Valley.  He chose the most difficult, traversing the bold sierra
which divides the eastern plateau from the western, and so rough and
precipitous as to be scarcely practicable for the march of an army.  He
wisely judged that he should be less likely to experience annoyance from the
enemy in this direction, as they might naturally confide in the difficulties
of the ground for their protection.

     The first day, the troops advanced five or six leagues, Cortes riding in
the van, at the head of his little body of cavalry.  They halted at the
village of Tetzmellocan, at the base of the mountain chain which traverses
the country, touching, at its southern limit, the mighty Iztaccihuatl, or
"White Woman," - white with the snows of ages. ^1  At this village they met
with a friendly reception, and on the following morning began the ascent of
the sierra.

[Footnote 1: This mountain, which, with its neighbour Popocatepetl, forms the
great barrier - the Herculis columnae - of the Mexican Valley, has been
fancifully likened, from its dorsal swell, to the back of a dromedary.
(Tudor's Tour in North America, Let. 22.) It rises far above the limits of
perpetual snow in the tropics, and its huge crest and sides, enveloped in its
silver drapery, form one of the most striking objects in the magnificent coup
d'aeil presented to the inhabitants of the capital.]

     The path was steep and exceedingly rough.  Thick matted bushes covered
its surface, and the winter torrents had broken it into deep stony channels,
hardly practicable for the passage of artillery, while the straggling
branches of the trees, flung horizontally across the road, made it equally
difficult for cavalry.  The cold, as they rose higher, became intense.  It
was keenly felt by the Spaniards, accustomed of late to a warm, or at least
temperate, climate; though the extreme toil with which they forced their way
upward furnished the best means of resisting the weather.  The only
vegetation to be seen in these higher regions was the pine, dark forests of
which clothed the sides of the mountains, till even these dwindled into a
thin and stunted growth.  It was night before the wayworn soldiers reached
the bald crest of the sierra, where they lost no time in kindling their
fires; and, huddling round their bivouacs, they warmed their frozen limbs and
prepared their evening repast.

     With the earliest dawn, the troops were again in motion.  Mass was said,
and they began their descent, more difficult and painful than their ascent on
the day preceding; for, in addition to the natural obstacles of the road,
they found it strewn with huge pieces of timber and trees, obviously felled
for the purpose by the natives.  Cortes ordered up a body of light troops to
clear away the impediments, and the army again resumed its march, but with
the apprehension that the enemy had prepared an ambuscade, to surprise them
when they should be entangled in the pass.  They moved cautiously forward,
straining their vision to pierce the thick gloom of the forest, where the
wily foe might be lurking.  But they saw no living thing, except only the
wild inhabitants of the woods, and flocks of the zopilote, the voracious
vulture of the country, which, in anticipation of a bloody banquet, hung,
like a troop of evil spirits, on the march of the army.

     As they descended, the Spaniards felt a sensible and most welcome change
in the temperature.  The character of the vegetation changed with it, and the
funereal pine, their only companion of late, gave way to the sturdy oak, to
the sycamore, and, lower down, to the graceful pepper-tree mingling its red
berry with the dark foliage of the forest; while, in still lower depths, the
gaudy-coloured creepers might be seen flinging their gay blossoms over the
branches and telling of a softer and more luxurious climate.

     At length the army emerged on an open level, where the eye, unobstructed
by intervening wood or hill-top, could range, far and wide, over the Valley
of Mexico.  There it lay bathed in the golden sunshine, stretched out, as it
were, in slumber, in the arms of the giant hills which clustered, like a
phalanx of guardian genii, around it.  The magnificent vision, new to many of
the spectators, filled them with rapture.  Even the veterans of Cortes could
not withhold their admiration, though this was soon followed by a bitter
feeling, as they recalled the sufferings which had befallen them within these
beautiful but treacherous precincts.  It made us feel, says the lion-hearted
Conqueror, in his Letters, that "we had no choice but victory or death; and,
our minds once resolved, we moved forward with as light a step as if we had
been going on an errand of certain pleasure." ^1

[Footnote 1: "Y prometimos todos de nunca de ella salir, sin Victoria, o
dejar alli las vidas.  Y con esta determinacion ibamos todos tan alegres,
como si fueramos a cosa de mucho placer."  Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p.
188.]

     As the Spaniards advanced, they beheld the neighbouring hill-tops
blazing with beacon-fires, showing that the country was already alarmed and
mustering to oppose them.  The general called on his men to be mindful of
their high reputation; to move in order, closing up their ranks, and to obey
implicitly the commands of their officers. ^2  At every turn among the hills,
they expected to meet the forces of the enemy drawn up to dispute their
passage.  And, as they were allowed to pass the defiles unmolested, and drew
near to the open plains, they were prepared to see them occupied by a
formidable host, who would compel them to fight over again the battle of
Otumba.  But, although clouds of dusky warriors were seen, from time to time,
hovering on the highlands, as if watching their progress, they experienced no
interruption till they reached a barranca, or deep ravine, through which
flowed a little river, crossed by a bridge partly demolished.  On the
opposite side a considerable body of Indians was stationed, as if to dispute
the passage; but, whether distrusting their own numbers, or intimidated by
the steady advance of the Spaniards, they offered them no annoyance, and were
quickly dispersed by a few resolute charges of cavalry.  The army then
proceeded, without molestation, to a small town, called Coatepec, where they
halted for the night.  Before retiring to his own quarters, Cortes made the
rounds of the camp, with a few trusty followers, to see that all was safe. ^1
He seemed to have an eye that never slumbered, and a frame incapable of
fatigue.  It was the indomitable spirit within, which sustained him. ^2

[Footnote 2: "Y yo torne a rogar, y encomendar mucho a los Espanoles, que
hiciessen, como siempre habian hecho, y como se esperaba de sus Personas; y
que nadie no se desmandasse, y que fuessen con mucho concierto, y orden por
su Camino."  Ibid., ubi supra]

[Footnote 1: "E como la Gente de pie venia algo cansada, y se hacia tarde,
dormimos en una Poblacion, que se dice Coatepeque. . . .  E yo con diez de
Caballo comenze la Vela, y Ronda de la prima, y hice, que toda la Gente
estubiesse muy apercibida."  Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 188, 189.]

[Footnote 2: For the preceding pages, giving the account of the march,
besides the Letter of Cortes, so often quoted, see Gomara, Cronica, cap.
121, - Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 8, - Bernal Diaz, Hist.
de la Conquista, cap. 137, - Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS., - Herrera,
Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 20, - Ixtlilxochitl, Relacion de la
Venida de los Espanoles y Principio de la Ley Evangelica (Mexico, 1829), p.
9.]